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St. Thomas Law Review

First Page

580

Document Type

Article

Abstract

Legal theorists are engaging and pursuing alternative visions directed towards building coalitions between communities of color. We are told that "coalitions are necessary in order to fully understand and attack racial hierarchy and white supremacy in the United States." This essay explores the concept of coalition building and examines whether it would be a possible method for preserving and protecting communities of color. A remarkable, heinous agricultural history has thwarted the traditional land use practices of communities of color, who have also been subject to rural subordination by widespread white supremacy. Physical manifestations of rural racial superiority curtailed the operations of farmers of color in the past, and even today, these farmers continue to face varying forms of economic and political subordination. Specifically, farming is a financially cost prohibitive venture that puts minority-owned farming operations at risk of collapse. The increasing costs of inputs such as buying seeds, grains, equipment, and other necessities often accelerate economic distress in independent farmers. Due to the resultant costs and the exposed fragile nature of independently owned operations, federal law provides a myriad of assistance in the nature of federal farm loan programs. Yet for operators of color, obtaining loans has proven elusive, often because they have been forced to endure disparate treatment from federal agencies. The disparate treatment from federal agencies in denying operating loans is well documented and underscores their rural subordinate status in the agrarian economy. These disadvantages in obtaining such loans provide yet another form of economic injustice for farmers of color. Part I of this essay targets the legal and historical antecedents that thwarted farmers of color from their full participation in producing the nation's food supply. Part II considers the fact that operators of color have not been allowed to fully participate in rural, and subsequently urban, politics. It also addresses the irreparable harm operators of color have experienced, as well as their incomplete remedies for their irrevocable injuries. Furthermore, Part II examines the current reliance on USDA financial programs, and discusses whether this reliance merely maintains the status quo, while adversely effecting farmers of color. Part III, thereby, addresses potential new directions, resulting from immigrants and domestic minorities who are engaging in food producing structures. In conclusion, this essay targets the federal agricultural anti-trust legislation, which has traditionally excluded farm laborers but promoted group-based activities for food producers. It contemplates an aim of the LatCrit Conference in directing inquiries toward coalition building between communities of color. The agricultural economic regime explored here could provide potential opportunities for a proposed coalition building effort involving farmers of color. Driving this prong is the increased migration of both domestic and immigrant communities transitioning into rural and urban arenas.

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